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Uighur Press on Eastern Turkestan |
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Wary of Islam,
China Tightens a Vise of Rules
BKHOTAN, China — The grand mosque that draws
thousands of Muslims each week in this oasis town
has all the usual trappings of piety: dusty wool
carpets on which to kneel in prayer, a row of
turbans and skullcaps for men without headwear, a
wall niche facing the holy city of Mecca in the
Arabian desert.
But large signs posted by the front door list
edicts that are more Communist Party decrees than
Koranic doctrines.
The imam’s sermon at Friday Prayer must run no
longer than a half-hour, the rules say. Prayer in
public areas outside the mosque is forbidden.
Residents of Khotan are not allowed to worship at
mosques outside of town.
One rule on the wall says that government workers
and nonreligious people may not be “forced” to
attend services at the mosque — a generous wording
of a law that prohibits government workers and
Communist Party members from going at all.
“Of course this makes people angry,” said a
teacher in the mosque courtyard, who would give
only a partial name, Muhammad, for fear of
government retribution. “Excitable people think
the government is wrong in what it does. They say
that government officials who are Muslims should
also be allowed to pray.”
To be a practicing Muslim in the vast autonomous
region of northwestern China called Xinjiang is to
live under an intricate series of laws and
regulations intended to control the spread and
practice of Islam, the predominant religion among
the Uighurs, a Turkic people uneasy with Chinese
rule.
The edicts touch on every facet of a Muslim’s way
of life. Official versions of the Koran are the
only legal ones. Imams may not teach the Koran in
private, and studying Arabic is allowed only at
special government schools.
Two of Islam’s five pillars — the sacred fasting
month of Ramadan and the pilgrimage to Mecca
called the hajj — are also carefully controlled.
Students and government workers are compelled to
eat during Ramadan, and the passports of Uighurs
have been confiscated across Xinjiang to force
them to join government-run hajj tours rather than
travel illegally to Mecca on their own.
Government workers are not permitted to practice
Islam, which means the slightest sign of devotion,
a head scarf on a woman, for example, could lead
to a firing.
The Chinese government, which is officially
atheist, recognizes five religions — Islam,
Protestantism, Catholicism, Taoism and Buddhism —
and tightly regulates their administration and
practice. Its oversight in Xinjiang, though, is
especially vigilant because it worries about
separatist activity in the region.
Some officials contend that insurgent groups in
Xinjiang pose one of the biggest security threats
to China, and the government says the “three
forces” of separatism, terrorism and religious
extremism threaten to destabilize the region. But
outside scholars of Xinjiang and terrorism experts
argue that heavy-handed tactics like the
restrictions on Islam will only radicalize more
Uighurs.
Many of the rules have been on the books for
years, but some local governments in Xinjiang have
publicly highlighted them in the past seven weeks
by posting the laws on Web sites or hanging
banners in towns.
Those moves coincided with Ramadan, which ran from
September to early October, and came on the heels
of a series of attacks in August that left at
least 22 security officers and one civilian dead,
according to official reports. The deadliest
attack was a murky ambush in Kashgar that
witnesses said involved men in police uniforms
fighting each other.
The attacks were the biggest wave of violence in
Xinjiang since the 1990s. In recent months, Wang
Lequan, the long-serving party secretary of
Xinjiang, and Nuer Baikeli, the chairman of the
region, have given hard-line speeches indicating
that a crackdown will soon begin.
Mr. Wang said the government was engaged in a
“life or death” struggle in Xinjiang. Mr. Baikeli
signaled that government control of religious
activities would tighten, asserting that “the
religious issue has been the barometer of
stability in Xinjiang.”
Anti-China forces in the West and separatist
forces are trying to carry out “illegal religious
activities and agitate religious fever,” he said,
and “the field of religion has become an
increasingly important battlefield against
enemies.”
Uighurs are the largest ethnic group in Xinjiang,
accounting for 46 percent of the population of 19
million. Many say Han Chinese, the country’s
dominant ethnic group, discriminate against them
based on the most obvious differences between the
groups: language and religion.
The Uighurs began adopting Sunni Islam in the 10th
century, although patterns of belief vary widely,
and the religion has enjoyed a surge of popularity
after the harshest decades of Communist rule.
According to government statistics, there are
24,000 mosques and 29,000 religious leaders in
Xinjiang. Muslim piety is especially strong in old
Silk Road towns in the south like Kashgar, Yarkand
and Khotan.
Many Han Chinese see Islam as the root of social
problems in Xinjiang.
“The Uighurs are lazy,” said a man who runs a
construction business in Kashgar and would give
only his last name, Zhao, because of the political
delicacy of the topic.
“It’s because of their religion,” he said. “They
spend so much time praying. What are they praying
for?”
The government restrictions are posted inside
mosques and elsewhere across Xinjiang. In
particular, officials take great pains to
publicize the law prohibiting Muslims from
arranging their own trips for the hajj. Signs
painted on mud-brick walls in the winding
alleyways of old Kashgar warn against making
illegal pilgrimages. A red banner hanging on a
large mosque in the Uighur area of Urumqi, the
regional capital, says, “Implement the policy of
organized and planned pilgrimage; individual
pilgrimage is forbidden.”
As dozens of worshipers streamed into the mosque
for prayer on a recent evening, one Uighur man
pointed to the sign and shook his head. “We didn’t
write that,” he said in broken Chinese. “They
wrote that.”
He turned his finger to a white neon sign above
the building that simply said “mosque” in Arabic
script. “We wrote that,” he said.
Like other Uighurs interviewed for this article,
he agreed to speak on the condition that his name
not be used for fear of retribution by the
authorities.
The government gives various reasons for
controlling the hajj. Officials say that the Saudi
Arabian government is concerned about crowded
conditions in Mecca that have led to fatal
tramplings, and that Muslims who leave China on
their own sometimes spend too much money on the
pilgrimage.
Critics say the government is trying to restrict
the movements of Uighurs and prevent them from
coming into contact with other Muslims, fearing
that such exchanges could build a pan-Islamic
identity in Xinjiang.
About two years ago, the government began
confiscating the passports of Uighurs across the
region, angering many people here. Now virtually
no Uighurs have passports, though they can apply
for them for short trips. The new restriction has
made life especially difficult for businessmen who
travel to neighboring countries.
To get a passport to go on an official hajj tour
or a business trip, applicants must leave a
deposit of nearly $6,000.
One man in Kashgar said the imam at his mosque,
who like all official imams is paid by the
government, had recently been urging congregants
to go to Mecca only with legal tours.
That is not easy for many Uighurs. The cost of an
official trip is the equivalent of $3,700, and
hefty bribes usually raise the price. Once a
person files an application, the authorities do a
background check into the family. If the applicant
has children, the children must be old enough to
be financially self-sufficient, and the applicant
is required to show that he or she has substantial
savings in the bank. Officials say these
conditions ensure that a hajj trip will not leave
the family impoverished.
Rules posted last year on the Xinjiang
government’s Web site say the applicant must be 50
to 70 years old, “love the country and obey the
law.”
The number of applicants far outnumbers the slots
available each year, and the wait is at least a
year. But the government has been raising the cap.
Xinhua, the state news agency, reported that from
2006 to 2007, more than 3,100 Muslims from
Xinjiang went on the official hajj, up from 2,000
the previous year.
One young Uighur man in Kashgar said his parents
were pushing their children to get married soon so
they could prove the children were financially
independent, thus allowing them to qualify to go
on the hajj. “Their greatest wish is to go to
Mecca once,” the man, who wished to be identified
only as Abdullah, said over dinner.
But the family has to weigh another factor: the
father, now retired, was once a government
employee and a Communist Party member, so he might
very well lose his pension if he went on the hajj,
Abdullah said.
The rules on fasting during Ramadan are just as
strict. Several local governments began posting
the regulations on their Web sites last month.
They vary by town and county but include requiring
restaurants to stay open during daylight hours and
mandating that women not wear veils and men shave
their beards.
Enforcement can be haphazard. In Kashgar, many
Uighur restaurants remained closed during the
fasting hours. “The religion is too strong in
Kashgar,” said one man. “There are rules, but
people don’t follow them.”
One rule that officials in some towns seem
especially intent on enforcing is the ban on
students’ fasting. Supporters of this policy say
students need to eat to study properly.
The local university in Kashgar adheres to the
policy. Starting last year, it tried to force
students to eat during the day by prohibiting them
from leaving campus in the evening to join their
families in breaking the daily fast. Residents of
Kashgar say the university locked the gates and
put glass shards along the top of a campus wall.
After a few weeks, the school built a higher wall.
Huang Yuanxi contributed research.
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/19/world/asia/19xinjiang.html?
pagewanted=2&_r=1
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