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U.S.-China Tensions Ease
as Bush Visit Approaches
ERIK ECKHOLM
February 19, 2002
BEIJING, Feb. 18 Given the tortuous recent history of
Chinese- American relations, the atmosphere
surrounding
President Bush's visit to Beijing this Thursday and
Friday is amazingly relaxed.
American officials hope there will be progress in
controlling the spread of weapons. They are pleased
that China has agreed to a live broadcast of the
leaders' news conference, to allow Mr. Bush to display
his Texas charm to the masses.
The Chinese are likely to release a prominent
dissident
or two by way of a welcome gift. They seem willing to
suppress their deepest fears about American intentions
in Asia, instead celebrating their partnership against
terrorism.
Small-bore agreements on the environment, energy,
health care and trade may be signed with fanfare. But
no one expects this visit, by coincidence, exactly 30
years after President Nixon's stunning first meeting
with Mao, to yield major advances or ugly encounters.
Leaders on both sides are aware of the pitfalls that
lie ahead, but they seem determined to cultivate
cooperation where they can, in part as a bulwark
against future clashes.
Chinese leaders worried as Mr. Bush took office that
their country was becoming the new whipping boy of
American foreign policy. That fear eased after Sept.
11, when it became clear that the United States had an
overriding new global enemy.
"Sept. 11 changed the agenda of American foreign
policy," said Wang Yong, executive director of the
Center for International Political Economy at Beijing
University. "China became a less important issue for
the United States."
He said the underlying problems in Chinese-American
relations had not disappeared. "But recent events have
given the two countries some time," he said, "a chance
to work toward stronger long-term relations."
Apart from the nasty surprises in recent years that
have caused strains, like the American bombing of the
Chinese Embassy in Belgrade and the episode with an
American spy plane, each side retains serious concerns.
The Chinese worry that the Bush administration will
tilt toward Taiwan and sell it ever more advanced arms.
This week China, which continues to view Taiwan as a
renegade province, is certain, at a minimum, to insist
that Mr. Bush restate his fidelity to "one China." But
the potentially explosive issue of arms sales will
receive only passing reference, diplomats predict.
The Chinese wonder how temporary the surging American
military presence in Asia will be, and they were
frightened by Mr. Bush's declaration of an "axis of
evil" consisting of Iraq, Iran and North Korea. They
know that some Bush officials would not mind if the
American plans for a national missile defense also
served to neutralize China's nuclear forces.
The Americans are alarmed by what they say is China's
failure to halt its exports of nuclear and missile
technologies, and they are monitoring China's own
military buildup.
The yawning American trade deficit with China is a
perennial issue, and President Bush has made it known
that he will press China about religious oppression
and
legal rights.
Yet an image of friendship is being scripted for what
is officially described as a "working visit," rather
than a "summit meeting" with its required pageantry.
For now, Washington and Beijing appear eager to
nurture
the good will and shared interests growing out of the
war on terror and China's scheduled opening of markets
as it enters the World Trade Organization.
By all accounts, China has supported American goals in
Afghanistan and the effort to cool tensions between
India and Pakistan because it wants to further its own
interest against Muslim extremism as well as improve
ties with the United States.
Chinese leaders have even swallowed their misgivings
about the spread of American bases in the region,
which
some military experts here fear is part of a long-term
plan to encircle and contain China.
China has agreed to permit the opening of an F.B.I.
office here, diplomats say..
One factor driving China's cooperative stance these
days is its desire to avoid foreign crises at a time
of
economic turmoil at home and imminent turnover in the
national leadership, said Kenneth Lieberthal, who was
a
top adviser on Asia policy in the Clinton
administration.
"Right now the Chinese are really looking to avoid
external complications," Mr. Lieberthal said. "They
are
not out there looking for issues to express great
outrage about."
Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company
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